The Situationist

The Situation of Ideology – Part II

Posted by The Situationist Staff on December 12, 2007

Numerous Situationist contributors have been studying and writing about the situational sources of ideology. With the 2008 presidential campaign underway and with the political-ideological divisions apparently growing in depth and distance, that research seems particularly pertinent. In part for that reason, the theme of the March 8 conference hosted by the Project on Law and Mind Sciences will be “Ideology, Psychology, and Law.”

This, post, the second in a series, excerpts portions of Jay Dixit’s excellent overview of some of the recent research on the statue-manhattan-911.gifpsychology of ideology. His article, “The Ideological Animal,” was published in Psychology Today.

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Cinnamon Stillwell never thought she’d be the founder of a political organization. She certainly never expected to start a group for conservatives, most of whom became conservatives on the same day—September 11, 2001. She organized the group, the 911 Neocons, as a haven for people like her—”former lefties” who did political 180s after 9/11.

Stillwell, now a conservative columnist for the San Francisco Chronicle, had been a liberal her whole life, writing off all Republicans as “ignorant, intolerant yahoos.” Yet on 9/11, everything changed for her, as it did for so many. In the days after the attacks, the world seemed “topsy-turvy.” On the political left, she wrote, “There was little sympathy for the victims,” and it seemed to her that progressives were “consumed with hatred for this country” and had “extended their misguided sympathies to tyrants and terrorists.”

Disgusted, she looked elsewhere. She found solace among conservative talk-show hosts and columnists. At first, she felt resonance with the right about the war on terror. But soon she found herself concurring about “smaller government, traditional societal structures, respect and reverence for life, the importance of family, personal responsibility, national unity over identity politics.” She embraced gun rights for the first time, drawn to “the idea of self-preservation in perilous times.” Her marriage broke up due in part to political differences. In the lead-up to the invasion of Iraq, she began going to pro-war rallies.

In 2005, she wrote a column called “The Making of a 9/11 Republican.” Over the year that followed, she received thousands of e-mails from people who’d had similar experiences. There were so many of them that she decided to form a group. And so the 911 Neocons were born.

We tend to believe our political views have evolved by a process of rational thought, as we consider arguments, weigh evidence, and draw conclusions. But the truth is more complicated. Our political preferences are equally the result of factors we’re not aware of—such as how educated we are, how scary the world seems at a given moment, and personality traits that are first apparent in early childhood. Among the most potent motivators, it turns out, is fear. How the United States should confront the threat of terrorism remains a subject of endless political debate. But Americans’ response to threats of attack is now more clear-cut than ever. The fear of death alone is surprisingly effective in shaping our political decisions—more powerful, often, than thought itself.

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Most people are surprised to learn that there are real, stable differences in personality between conservatives and liberals—not just different views or values, but underlying differences in temperament. Psychologists John Jost [a Situationist Contributor] of New York University, Dana Carney of Harvard, and Sam Gosling of the University of Texas have demonstrated that conservatives and liberals boast markedly different home and office decor. [For a Situationist post summarizing that research, click here.] Liberals are messier than conservatives. . . . Liberals have more books, and their books cover a greater variety of topics. And that’s just a start. Multiple studies find that liberals are more optimistic. Conservatives are more likely to be religious. Liberals are more likely to like classical music and jazz, conservatives, country music. Liberals are more likely to enjoy abstract art. Conservative men are more likely than liberal men to prefer conventional forms of entertainment like TV and talk radio. Liberal men like romantic comedies more than conservative men. Liberal women are more likely than conservative women to enjoy books, poetry, writing in a diary, acting, and playing musical instruments.

“All people are born alike—except Republicans and Democrats,” quipped Groucho Marx, and in fact it turns out that personality differences between liberals and conservatives are evident in early childhood. In 1969, Berkeley professors Jack and Jeanne Block embarked on a study of childhood personality, asking nursery school teachers to rate children’s temperaments. They weren’t even thinking about political orientation.

Twenty years later, they decided to compare the subjects’ childhood personalities with their political preferences as adults. They found arresting patterns. As kids, liberals had developed close relationships with peers and were rated by their teachers as self-reliant, energetic, impulsive, and resilient. People who were conservative at age 23 had been described by their teachers as easily victimized, easily offended, indecisive, fearful, rigid, inhibited, and vulnerable at age 3. The reason for the difference, the Blocks hypothesized, was that insecure kids most needed the reassurance of tradition and authority, and they found it in conservative politics.

The most comprehensive review of personality and political orientation to date is a 2003 meta-analysis of 88 prior studies involving 22,000 participants. The researchers—[Situationist Contributor] John Jost of NYU, Arie Kruglanski of the University of Maryland, and Jack Glaser and Frank Sulloway of Berkeley—found that conservatives have a greater desire to reach a decision quickly and stick to it, and are higher on conscientiousness, which includes neatness, orderliness, duty, and rule-following. Liberals are higher on openness, which includes intellectual curiosity, excitement-seeking, novelty, creativity for its own sake, and a craving for stimulation like travel, color, art, music, and literature.

The study’s authors also concluded that conservatives have less tolerance for ambiguity, a trait they say is exemplified when George Bush says things like, “Look, my job isn’t to try to nuance. My job is to tell people what I think,” and “I’m the decider.” Those who think the world is highly dangerous and those with the greatest fear of death are the most likely to be conservative.

Liberals, on the other hand, are “more likely to see gray areas and reconcile seemingly conflicting information,” says Jost. As a result, liberals like John Kerry, who see many sides to every issue, are portrayed as flip-floppers. “Whatever the cause, Bush and Kerry exemplify the cognitive styles we see in the research,” says Jack Glaser, one of the study’s authors, “Bush in appearing more rigid in his thinking and intolerant of uncertainty and ambiguity, and Kerry in appearing more open to ambiguity and to considering alternative positions.”

* * *

By 2004, as the presidential election drew near, researchers saw a chance to study the Jost results against the backdrop of unfolding events. Psychologists Mark Landau of the University of Arizona and Sheldon Solomon of Skidmore sought to explain how President Bush’s approval rating went from around 51 percent before 9/11 to 90 percent immediately afterward. In one study, they exposed some participants to the letters WTC or the numbers 9/11 in an image flashed too quickly to register at the conscious level. They exposed other participants to familiar but random combinations of letters and numbers, such as area codes. Then they gave them words like coff__, sk_ll, and gr_ve, and asked them to fill in the blanks. People who’d seen random combinations were more likely to fill in coffee, skill, and grove. But people exposed to subliminal terrorism primes more often filled in coffin, skull, and grave. “The mere mention of September 11 or WTC is the same as reminding Americans of death,” explains Solomon.thoughts-of-death-quotation.jpg

As a follow-up, Solomon primed one group of subjects to think about death, a state of mind called “mortality salience.” A second group was primed to think about 9/11. And a third was induced to think about pain—something unpleasant but non-deadly. When people were in a benign state of mind, they tended to oppose Bush and his policies in Iraq. But after thinking about either death or 9/11, they tended to favor him. Such findings were further corroborated by Cornell sociologist Robert Willer, who found that whenever the color-coded terror alert level was raised, support for Bush increased significantly, not only on domestic security but also in unrelated domains, such as the economy.

University of Arizona psychologist Jeff Greenberg argues that some ideological shifts can be explained by terror management theory (TMT), which holds that heightened fear of death motivates people to defend their world views. TMT predicts that images like the destruction of the World Trade Center should make liberals more liberal and conservatives more conservative. “In the United States, political conservatism does seem to be the preferred ideology when people are feeling insecure,” concedes Greenberg. “But in China or another communist country, reminding people of their own mortality would lead them to cling more tightly to communism.”

Jost believes it’s more complex. After all, Cinnamon Stillwell and others in the 911 Neocons didn’t become more liberal. Like so many other Democrats after 9/11, they made a hard right turn. The reason thoughts of death make people more conservative, Jost says, is that they awaken a deep desire to see the world as fair and just, to believe that people get what they deserve, and to accept the existing social order as valid, rather than in need of change. When these natural desires are primed by thoughts of death and a barrage of mortal fear, people gravitate toward conservatism because it’s more certain about the answers it provides—right vs. wrong, good vs. evil, us vs. them—and because conservative leaders are more likely to advocate a return to traditional values, allowing people to stick with what’s familiar and known. “Conservatism is a more black and white ideology than liberalism,” explains Jost. “It emphasizes tradition and authority, which are reassuring during periods of threat.”

To test the theory, Jost prompted people to think about either pain—by looking at things like an ambulance, a dentist’s chair, and a bee sting—or death, by looking at things like a funeral hearse, the grim reaper, and a dead-end sign. Across the political spectrum, people who had been primed to think about death were more conservative on issues like immigration, affirmative action, and same-sex marriage than those who had merely thought about pain, although the effect size was relatively small. The implication is clear: For liberals, conservatives, and independents alike, thinking about death actually makes people more conservative—at least temporarily.

* * *

Campaign strategists in both parties have never hesitated to use scare tactics. In 1964, a Lyndon Johnson commercial called “Daisy” juxtaposed footage of a little girl plucking a flower with footage of an atomic blast.

In 1984, Ronald Reagan ran a spot that played on Cold War panic, in which the Soviet threat was symbolized by a grizzly lumbering across a stark landscape as a human heart pounds faster and faster and an off-screen voice warns, “There is a bear in the woods!”

In 2004, Bush sparked furor for running a fear-mongering ad that used wolves gathering in the woods as symbols for terrorists plotting against America.

And last fall, Congressional Republicans drew fire with an ad that featured bin Laden and other terrorists threatening Americans; over the sound of a ticking clock, a voice warned, “These are the stakes.”

“At least some of the President’s support is the result of constant and relentless reminders of death, some of which is just what’s happening in the world, but much of which is carefully cultivated and calculated as an electoral strategy,” says Solomon. “In politics these days, there’s a dose of reason, and there’s a dose of irrationality driven by psychological terror that may very well be swinging elections.”

Solomon demonstrated that thinking about 9/11 made people go from preferring Kerry to preferring Bush. “Very subtle manipulations of psychological conditions profoundly affect political preferences,” Solomon concludes. “In difficult moments, people don’t want complex, nuanced, John Kerry-like waffling or sophisticated cogitation. They want somebody charismatic to step up and say, ‘I know where our problem is and God has given me the clout to kick those people’s asses.'”

* * *

* * *

To read the entire article (including a discussion of the controversy surrounding some of this research and a summary of how educational experiences influence ideology), click here. This post is the second in a series. Part I was based on a New York Times piece from February by Patricia Cohen, entitled “Across the Great Divide: Links Between Personality and Politics.” For other related posts on the psychology of ideology, see Ideology is Back” (by John Jost), “Ideology Shaping Situation of Vice Versa,” and “Thanksgiving as ‘System Justification.'”

5 Responses to “The Situation of Ideology – Part II”

  1. Alan Reifman said

    Ms. Stillwell’s experience, in which her initial post-9/11 attraction to conservatism on national security issues spilled over into several social/domestic issues as well, is similar to a phenomenon described by John B. Judis and Ruy Teixeira in their June 19, 2007 American Prospect article, “Back to the Future: The re-emergence of the emerging Democratic majority.”

    Judis and Teixeira document that there was indeed an appreciable subset of the American electorate that underwent the same transformation as did Ms. Stillwell after 9/11. However, Judis and Teixeira conclude from polling data that such a phenomenon was transient. They write of:

    “… another psychological process, which might be called ‘de-arrangement.’ The focus on the war on terror not only distracted erstwhile Democrats and independents but appeared to transform, or de-arrange, their political worldview. They temporarily became more sympathetic to a whole range of conservative assumptions and approaches…

    By the 2006 election, many more voters had become disillusioned with the Republicans as the party of national security. They now drew a distinction between the war in Iraq and the war on terror, and they saw the disaster in Iraq overshadowing any success in the war on terror. Others came to doubt the administration’s overall ability to protect Americans’ national security — either from terrorists or natural disasters. As this change in perception took place, the foundations for the Republican majorities in 2002 and 2004 crumbled. What one sees in the 2006 election is not simply a revolt against the administration’s conduct of the war but a return to the political perceptions of the two parties that was inclining the electorate before September 2001 toward a Democratic majority. Voters didn’t simply reject the administration for its conduct of the war; angered by its conduct of the war, they reembraced a center-left worldview on a whole range of issues. The electorate of 2006 was like the electorate of 2000 — only more so.”

  2. Grue said

    Hmm, this article seemed anti-situationist: “Most people are surprised to learn that there are real, stable differences in personality between conservatives and liberals—not just different views or values, but underlying differences in temperament.”

    So apparently it’s not situation which distinguishes conservatives and liberals, it’s some kind of fundamental attribute of the person :)

  3. Jay Dixit said

    Grue: Fair point, the first part of the article is not about situational forces, but about the personality correlates of political orientation. But fear is a situational factor, and the second half of the article, not all of which is excerpted here, addresses how mortality salience affects political orientation.

  4. Jon Hanson said

    Jay: Thanks for your comment. I’m with you (and echo your suggestion to read your entire piece!), but want to underscore Grue’s commenet reflects an apparent misunderstanding of our definition of “situation,” which refers to factors around and within us that fall outside our dominant attributional schemas. We are not denying that there may be differences across people, differences that might even be stable and predictive. Similarly, we do not deny that individual “personality” can shape individual behavior. Our point is that the common beliefs for what explains those differences are generally mistaken. The sentence that Grue quotes, emphasizing the fact that “most people are surprised to learn” of the “stable differences” underscores our point that the insights are situationist, not, as Grue puts it, “anti-situationist.” (For more on this topic, see “Situation” Trumps “Disposition” – Part I & Part II.)

  5. […] September 11th, 2008 by Attitude Must read: […]

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